As the busiest month in the disarmament calendar concludes, key developments centered around the earliest and most recent issues of humanitarian disarmament. States discussed Ukraine’s suspension of its Mine Ban Treaty obligations behind the scenes, and several submitted objections under the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties. Their actions showed support for the founding document of humanitarian disarmament. At the same time, some progress, albeit slow, was made on the autonomous weapons systems front. More than 40 high contracting powers to the Convention on Conventional Weapons (CCW) stated that they viewed the text on the table as a good basis for negotiations, and the UN General Assembly’s disarmament committee approved a third resolution on autonomous weapons systems. Both reinforced the growing support for a legally binding instrument.
In Paksong district of Saravane province, Laos, a clearance technician from Norwegian People’s Aid uses a GPS device to record the coordinates of cluster munition remnants in a rice field where 178 BLU-26 submunitions were found. | Credit: Norwegian People’s Aid, 2025.
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Delegations convened in Geneva, Switzerland, from September 1–5 for the year’s second session of the CCW’s Group of Governmental Experts on Lethal Autonomous Weapons Systems (GGE). Discussions revolved around a rolling text developed by the session’s chair, Robert in den Bosch, which outlines various elements that a future instrument with prohibitions and regulations on the systems might include. On the session’s final day, 42 states presented a joint statement supporting the rolling text as “a sufficient basis for negotiations of an instrument on autonomous weapons systems.”
On September 9, International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) Director General Rafael Grossi and Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi signed an agreement seeking to restart the agency’s nuclear inspections in accordance with the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, to which Iran is a state party. This development comes after the Iranian parliament passed a resolution in June ceasing cooperation with the IAEA in response to US and Israeli attacks on Iranian nuclear facilities earlier this year.
Also on September 9, the Cluster Munition Coalition launched its annual Cluster Munition Monitor report. It found 2024 was a year of mixed results. More contaminated land was cleared than in the preceding five years, which saved civilian lives. Over the same period, however, Lithuania withdrew from the convention, marking the first time a state has withdrawn from a humanitarian disarmament treaty, and use was documented by several states not parties: Myanmar, Russia, Syria, and Ukraine.
The 13th Meeting of States Parties to the Convention on Cluster Munitions took place in Geneva from September 16–19. Among the topics discussed during the plenary sessions were universalization, clearance and destruction, risk education, victim assistance, and the need to focus on gender disparities among victims. Additionally, states parties welcomed the September 5 accession of Vanuatu, making it the 112th state to join the Convention on Cluster Munitions. Read the meeting’s final report here.
On September 26, the UN hosted an event recognizing the International Day for the Total Elimination of Nuclear Weapons. Of the delegations present (most of which called for complete non-proliferation), only three nuclear-armed states–China, India, and Pakistan–participated. Read Reaching Critical Will’s report on the event here.
From October 8 to November 7, states discussed and debated a host of conventional weapons and weapons of mass destruction topics at the UN General Assembly’s First Committee on Disarmament and International Security. Reaching Critical Will provided thorough reporting and analysis of the meeting throughout the month.
At a session of the First Committee on October 17, nongovernmental organizations delivered statements on a range of topics relevant to humanitarian disarmament. Almost 100 organizations joined the cross-cutting joint statement on humanitarian disarmament, which said the approach can address current challenges if it holds firm to its principles of humanitarianism, rule of law, and cooperation while maintaining its ability to adapt.
Beginning on October 17, several states submitted objections to Ukraine’s declaration that it was suspending its obligations under the Mine Ban Treaty. Switzerland, for example, stated that Ukraine’s actions would “violate international law and undermine work on arms control and disarmament.” On September 22, Human Rights Watch and Harvard Law School’s International Human Rights Clinic had published a briefing paper explaining the unlawfulness of Ukraine’s action and its legal and humanitarian implications.
On October 18–19, civil society groups met in New York for their annual Humanitarian Disarmament Forum. This year’s themes were tackling current challenges and partnering with allies beyond the humanitarian disarmament sphere.
First Committee concluded by adopting numerous resolutions. For example, bringing this two-month period full circle, L.41 on Lethal Autonomous Weapons Systems passed by a vote of 156 to 5, with 5 abstentions. That resolution reflected support for a legally binding instrument because it encouraged states to complete the elements of the CCW GGE’s rolling text “with a view to future negotiations,” yet it was less ambitious than 2024’s resolution on the same topic, which had mandated UN General Assembly discussions.
This post expresses the views of the Armed Conflict and Civilian Protection Initiative and does not purport to represent the views of Harvard Law School’s International Human Rights Clinic or Harvard University.
As the busiest month in the disarmament calendar concludes, key developments centered around the earliest and most recent issues of humanitarian disarmament. States discussed Ukraine’s suspension of its Mine Ban Treaty obligations behind the scenes, and several submitted objections under the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties. Their actions showed support for the founding document of humanitarian disarmament. At the same time, some progress, albeit slow, was made on the autonomous weapons systems front. More than 40 high contracting powers to the Convention on Conventional Weapons (CCW) stated that they viewed the text on the table as a good basis for negotiations, and the UN General Assembly’s disarmament committee approved a third resolution on autonomous weapons systems. Both reinforced the growing support for a legally binding instrument.
In case you missed it:
Looking ahead, from November 19–20, the Second International Conference of the Political Declaration on Strengthening the Protection of Civilians from the Humanitarian Consequences Arising from the Use of Explosive Weapons in Populated Areas will meet in San José, Costa Rica. The International Network on Explosive Weapons (INEW) will host a Protection Forum alongside the Latin American Human Security Network (SEHLAC) and Fundación para la Paza y la Democracia (FUNPADEM) also in San José on November 18.
This post expresses the views of the Armed Conflict and Civilian Protection Initiative and does not purport to represent the views of Harvard Law School’s International Human Rights Clinic or Harvard University.
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